Here is how the kept press of India gives news without news!
NEW DELHI: Not only did the Nehru government snoop on Netaji Subhas Bose but also shared confidential information with British intelligence agency MI5. Recently, declassified documents reveal India’s Intelligence Bureau shared with MI5 a letter between close Netaji aide AC Nambiar and nephew Amiya Nath Bose acquired through “secret censorship” and even sought more information on the subject.
The MI5 documents have become public at a time when Indian secret documents reveal that the late PM Jawarharlal Nehru had authorized surveillance on freedom fighter Netaji Bose’s family including nephews Amiya Bose and Sisir Kumar Bose.
There was a time when strong doubts persisted if Netaji was still alive or indeed dead in that airplane accident. The British Intelligence must have had pursued the matter further at Kabul and at Tehran for ascertaining the truth about the report of Netaji’s arrival at Moscow and submitted their findings to the GoI. But no report of such follow-up action was placed either before the Shah Nawaz Committee or the Khosla Commission. The Government under Mrs. Gandhi told Khosla Commission that many confidential files of Nehru connected with the reports about Netaji were either missing or destroyed. These files were dealt with by the personal secretary of Pandit Nehru – Mohammad Yunus . These files are still with this man and NOT in the public archives of the GoI. Can anyone believe it?
The British intelligence team informed their Government that Pandit Nehru “received a secret communication from Bose”. This report was confirmed by a witness, Shri Shyamlal Jain of Meerut, while he deposed before Khosla Commission. In 1945-46, Shri Jain was working as a confidential steno of Asaf Ali (remember him? The traitor who handed over a ship-load of weapons to Pakistan, purchased by the GoI!) who was Secretary to the INA Defense Committee with Bhulabhai Desai as its Chairman and Pandit Nehru as one of its prominent members. This confidential steno of the INA Defense Committee, in the course of his deposition, made a shocking revelation about Nehru’s attitude toward Netaji.
Shri Jain told Khosla Commission:
“I solemnly affirm and state on oath that one evening (the date may be Dec. 26 or 27, 1945) I was called by Shri Jawaharlal Nehru on telephone to come to the residence of Shri Asaf Ali with a typewriter as he had a lot of work to be typed by me, which I complied. After getting some papers typed by me, Shri Jawaharlal Nehru drew out a paper from the pocket of his achkan and asked me to make four copies of it for him. The said paper was a hand-written matter and was somewhat difficult to read. Now, what was written on that paper, I am trying to reproduce from my memory:”
“Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose proceeding by aeroplane from Saigon arrived today, August 23, 1945 at Dairen (Manchuria) at 1:30 afternoon. The said plane was a Japanese bomber plane. It was full of gold in the shape of bars, ornaments and jewelry. Netaji carried two attache cases, one in each hand. On alighting from the plane, Netaji took tea with bananas. When Netaji finished tea, he along with four others, out of which one was a Japanese named General Shidei (and others have lapsed from memory), took their seats in a jeep standing nearby. The said jeep proceeded toward Russian territory. After about 3 hours the said jeep returned and informed the pilot of the plane who flew back to Tokyo.”
“After handing over the said paper to me for typing, Shri Jawaharlal Nehru went to Mr. Asaf Ali and remained busy in conversation with him for 10 or 15 minutes…I could not complete the work, because the name of the writer on that letter was not readable, and I kept waiting for Shri Jawaharlal to come and tell me the name. In the meantime, I went through the letter several times and that is all that I could remember to the present day. Shri Jawaharlal could not discern the name of the writer and asked me to pull out the papers and hand them over as they were.
“I solemnly affirm and state on oath that thereafter Shri Jawaharlal Nehru gave me four papers from his writing pad to make four copies of a letter, which he would dictate to me on typewriter, which I also complied. The contents of the letter, as far as I could remember, were as follows:
“To Mr.Clement Attlee,
Prime Minister of Britain,
10 Downing Street, London.
Dear Mr. Attlee:
I understand from a reliable source that Subhas Chandra Bose, your war criminal, has been allowed to enter Russian territory by Stalin. This is a clear treachery ad betrayal of faith by the Russians. As Russia has been an ally of the British-Americans, it should not have been done. Please take note of it and do what you consider proper and fit.
One has to rub one’s eyes many times to read and then to believe what Shri Jain told the Khosla Commission. Can the evidence of Shri Jain be relied upon? It appears as unthinkable that Pandit Nehru could stoop down so low to ask Mr. Attlee to see that “their war criminal Bose” was buried alive in Russia. But from the circumstantial facts the testimony of Jain cannot be discarded as a figment of any ugly imagination.
1. The British Intelligence affirmed that Pandit Nehru received a secret communication from Netaji and Jain confirmed it further without knowing anything about this secret report.
2. Col. Tada, one of the principal architects of Netaji’s escape plan confided to S.A. Iyer in 1951 that the Japanese agreed to make necessary arrangements to convey Netaji to Russian territory across the border of Manchuria.
3. Neither the Government Counsel appearing before the Inquiry Commission, nor Mr. Khosla either challenged or refuted the veracity of Jain’s testimony.
4. Most of the secret files about Netaji, that were maintained by Pandit Nehru himself as “P.M.’s special” files, one of which included all communications connected with INA Defense Committee, were reported by the Government as “either missing or destroyed”. It will not be easy to presume that Netaji’s communication to Nehru and a copy of Nehru’s letter to Attlee have also been destroyed.
5. Pandit Nehru’s attitude toward Netaji completely changed after he met Mountbatten at Singapore in 1946. Late Amritlal Seth, former editor of the Gujarati Daily Janmabhumi, who accompanied Nehru during his visit to Singapore told late Sarat Chandra Bose immediately after his return from Singapore that Panditji was warned by the British Admiral that, according to his report, ‘Bose’ did not die in the alleged air crash and if Nehru played up too high with the legends of Bose and demands for re-absorption of the INA in the Indian Army, he would be taking the risk of presenting India on a platter to Bose when he reappeared.
6. The report of Amritlal Seth is corroborated by two facts. On arrival at Singapore Pandit Nehru was given a rousing reception by the INA there, when Panditji agreed to their request to place a wreath on the INA Martyr Monument, which was demolished under orders from Mountbatten immediately after British re-occupation of Singapore…Strangely, next day, Nehru refused to attend the INA Martyr Memorial ceremony organized at Singapore. About three decades later, Mountbatten boastfully stated in the ‘Nehru Oration’ speech that Nehru acted very compliantly on his advice regarding the treatment about the INA.
7. After his return from Singapore, Nehru never uttered a word about Netaji for over a decade even after he became the Prime Minister of India. Till fifties, AIR was instructed not to cover any special talk on Netaji or broadcast any news about Netaji’s birthday, exceeding a few minutes. All army barracks were prohibited from displaying any portrait of Netaji and this ban-order continued for years even after withdrawal of the British Power.
8. After coming to power, Pandit Nehru got all the secret British reports which informed the Wavell Government that Bose reached Russia, but as Prime Minister of India he never inquired anything publicly about these reports from the Russian Government.
9. Nehru all along opposed any demand of a full-fledged judicial inquiry about the Netaji mystery and appointed Shah Nawaz Committee mainly for the purpose of scuttling the move for a non-official inquiry about Netaji under the chairmanship of Dr. Radha Benode Pal.
Thus, Nehru’s changed attitude lends credence to the testimony of Shyamlal Jain.
The contribution made by Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose towards the achievement of freedom in 1947 was no less, and perhaps far more important than that of Mohandas Gandhi
by Dipin Damodharan / www.theviewspost.com
History is like that, it always shows leaning towards the ruling class. It happened in the case of India too. When the Indian National Congress (INC) came to power in 1947 after India’s independence, they had distorted Indian history in their own way.
And the true national hero, many historians call him the real father of modern India, Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose moved out to trash bin. India’s first Prime Minister, also the creator of the country’s many problems including Kashmir, had tried his level best to put Netaji in the hidden shades of history.
In other words we can say Nehru’s congress and independent India had shown unpardonable ingratitude to the real man behind India’s freedom. ViewsPost tries to go back to some historical facts to expose the betrayers (including Nehru) of Netaji.
Lt. Manwati Arya, Rani Jhansi Regiment, Ex. INA (Indian National Army), candidly exposes many facts regarding the ant-Netaji policy of Congress and Nehru in her 2010 book, Judgment, No Air crash, No Death.
In this book she says that Jawaharlal Nehru had given a very cold response to initiate any action to decipher the truth about Netaji’s death.
Lt. Manwati Arya also explains that the Nehru government had adopted an anti-Netaji policy to banish steadily the contributions of Netaji and his struggle against the British rule for the independence of the country.
Nehru’s shoddy plans
Nehru’s substandard actions to insult Netaji had no boundaries. The ‘great’ prime minister of India had also tried to put a ban for hanging up Netaji’s portraits in public places including offices and army mess halls.
“I also asked Attlee about the extent to which their decision to quit India was influenced by Gandhiji’s activities. On hearing this Attlee’s lips widened in a smile of disdain and he uttered slowly, putting strong emphasis on each single letter: ‘MI-NI-MAL’.”
In a confidential memo dated February 11, 1949, under the signature of Major General P N Khandoori, the government recommended:”The photos of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose be not displayed at prominent places, Unit Lines, Canteens, Quarter Guards or Recreation rooms.”
Lt. Manwati Arya, in her book on Netaji, remembers that during her talks in All India Radio (AIR) she was always briefed by her programme producers, without fail, about the national policy to be careful and not mention any reference of the INA including the name of Netaji in her discourse on AIR.
All these actions were to be expected from Nehru, a prime minister heavily favoured by the British, at the same time, he had no legacy to project himself as a proud freedom fighter.
Nehru had succeeded in getting support for his anti-Netaji policies even from Netaji’s comrades in INA like Shah Nawaz Khan, S A Ayer etc. These people betrayed Netaji for cheap positions offered by Nehru in the then government.
Remember, Shah Nawaz Khan was the chairman of National Inquiry Committee (NIC) constituted by Nehru in 1956.
The ‘great’ prime minister of India had also tried to put a ban for hanging up Netaji’s portraits in public places including offices and army mess halls
Real man behind freedom
Who is the real father or the man behind India’s freedom? This question is always controversial.
Many eminent historians had neglected the over-exaggerated projection of Mohandas Gandhi as the father of modern India. Dr R C Majumdar in his book, History of the Freedom Movement in India (1948), put forward:
“The honour and esteem with which every Indian regarded the members of the INA, offered a striking contrast to the ill-concealed disgust and contempt for those sepoys (soldiers) who refused to join the INA and remained true to their so-called salt. The British came to realize that they were sitting on the brink of a volcano which may erupt at any moment.
It is highly probable that this consideration played an important role in their final decision to quit India in 1947. So the members of the INA did not die or suffer in vain, and their leader Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose has secured a place of honour in the history of India’s struggle for freedom.”
In the same book, Majumdar candidly states that “the contribution made by Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose towards the achievement of freedom in 1947 was no less, and perhaps far more important than that of Mohandas Gandhi, and I hope true historians and all lovers of truth now accept this view.
From the horse’s mouth
Clement Attlee was the Prime Minister of Britain when India got freedom in 1947. Therefore his words on Netaji have relevant and important than any proof.
Attlee had a visit to Kolkata When P B Chakraborti was the acting governor of West Bengal. The following are the words selected from Chakraborty’s thanks note (dated March 30, 1976) for the publication of Dr R C Majumdar’s book.
“I had then a long talk with Attlee about the real grounds for the voluntary withdrawal of the British from India. I put it straight to him like this:
The Quit India movement of Gandhiji practically died out long before 1947 and there was nothing in Indian situation at that time which made it necessary for the British to leave India in a hurry? Why did you then do so?
In reply Attlee cited several reasons, the most important of which are the activities of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose which weakened the very foundations of the attachment of the Indian land and naval forces to the British Government.
I also asked Attlee about the extent to which their decision to quit India was influenced by Gandhiji’s activities.
On hearing this Attlee’s lips widened in a smile of disdain and he uttered slowly, putting strong emphasis on each single letter: ‘MI-NI-MAL’.”
But all these historical facts have been neglected by our history text books penned by pseudo-historians.
At a time when the funding of political parties is the subject of fresh controversy, a new book has claimed that Rajiv Gandhi, as Prime Minister, wanted commissions given by defence suppliers to be pooled and used to fund the “inescapable expenses of the party”.
The just-released book, Unknown Facets of Rajiv Gandhi, Jyoti Basu and Indrajit Gupta, is written by former CBI director Dr A P Mukherjee and the claim is based on his conversations with Rajiv in June 1989, the author has said.
Rajiv, incidentally, was caught in the thick of the Bofors guns bribery scandal at that time and lost power later that year.
“Rajiv Gandhi was very clear that commissions paid as a routine by most defence dealers should be properly accounted for and not siphoned off by dishonest officials of the armed forces and politicians…he wanted such payments to be pooled and accounted for,” Mukherjee has written.
“This (elections) leads to massive fund collections by important party functionaries all over the country, which leads to an almost unbreakable unholy quid pro quo nexus between unscrupulous party functionaries, ministers and businessmen. I could sense this as the party’s general secretary or even as its youth leader earlier when I had to enter the political arena with considerable reluctance,” Rajiv told him over coffee, Mukherjee has written.
Rajiv, he says, had come to know that some senior officers of the armed forces had been surreptitiously collecting huge amounts of money as “commissions” in most defence purchases, quite often in connivance with some ministers, middlemen and civilian officers as well.
Rajiv, the former CBI director says, “discussed this problem with some of his trusted colleagues and advisers when it was suggested by some that all commissions as payable or usually paid to middlemen should be banned but the commissions to be given as a matter of routine practice by the suppliers of major defence materials could be pooled under the care of some non-government entity which could be utilised solely for the purpose of meeting the inescapable expenses of the party.
“As Rajiv Gandhi further stated, such a step would largely prevent the collusive nexus between the middlemen, ministers, bureaucrats and that such a step could enable the government to do away with the quid pro quo relationship with some unscrupulous businessmen and equally unscrupulous politicians and bureaucrats.
“Hence he endorsed the same. He also indicated that he favoured some legislation in line with the practices of some of the western countries where contributions to party funds by business houses and industrial houses and individuals were allowed with provisions for their proper accounting, auditing and public disclosure. But the wild, motivated and widespread adverse publicity obscured the prospect of proceeding further in the above manner.”
Mukherjee was additional director of CBI when he says he had this detailed conversation with Rajiv. The conversation had been precisely recollected by him in the book thanks to the diaries he maintained through his career, he told The Indian Express.
Mukherjee, who was advisor to home minister Indrajit Gupta and also served a brief stint as governor of Mizoram, has written that for years he felt making this episode public would have amounted to betraying the former prime minister’s trust, and that is something he could never think of doing.
“However, at this distant time and that too long after his tragic death, I owe it to posterity to narrate the full and complete disclosure of all that transpired between the two of us during this memorable coffee meeting with this remarkable human being whose trust I was privileged to receive in ample measure.”